Wednesday, October 22, 2025

The Myth of Separate Identity

 The Myth of Separate Identity

“It has been the tragic lesson of the history of many a country in the world that the hostile elements within the country pose a far greater menace to national security than aggressors from outside.”
Guruji M. S. Golwalkar




The truth of Guruji’s words has echoed across centuries and civilizations. Nations seldom collapse under the pressure of foreign invasion; they crumble when the spirit of unity within is corroded by the idea of separateness. The gravest dangers to a civilization arise not from external attack, but from inner disintegration — when communities begin to imagine themselves as apart from the collective whole.

The Indian subcontinent stands as the most profound example of this tragic lesson. The partition of 1947, culminating in the creation of Pakistan, was not merely a division of territory; it was a rupture of the civilizational consciousness of Bharatavarsha. The so-called “Two-Nation Theory” asserted that Hindus and Muslims constituted two distinct nations, incapable of coexistence within a single political framework. This fallacy — that a religious community could define itself as a separate nation — became the political justification for vivisection.


The Continuum of Fragmentation

The subsequent history of the subcontinent exposes the hollowness of that separatist dream. Barely two decades after its creation, Pakistan itself split into Bangladesh and Pakistan, revealing that religion alone could not serve as a binding national force. Language, culture, and shared memory proved stronger than dogma.

Yet the psychology of separatism — once rewarded — did not fade away. The success of religious partition inspired similar currents elsewhere, most notably the Khalistani demand that surfaced decades later. The ideological precedent had been set: if one community could claim separate nationhood on the basis of faith, others could imitate the formula.

In this manner, the virus of separateness — the illusion that political sovereignty must mirror religious identity — continued to threaten Bharat’s integrity long after 1947.


The Fallacy of Separate Identity

The very phrase “separate identity” is deceptive. In a multicultural civilization like Bharat, there are no separate identities — there are only multiple, interwoven, regional, and linguistic expressions of a single civilizational stream.

Every region of India — from Kashmir to Kanyakumari, from Gujarat to Assam — manifests a distinct form of life rooted in its indigenous language and local genius, yet nourished by a common Indic linguistic and philosophical foundation.

Though Tamil appears at first glance to be of distinct origin, it is deeply nourished by the shared Sanskritic–Prakritic base of Bharatiya thought. Its conceptual vocabulary, sacred idiom, and metaphysical undertones are harmoniously aligned with the Indic world of meanings. The literary and spiritual efflorescence of the Āḻvārs, Nāyaṉmārs, and the Siddhar traditions — vibrant to this day — exemplify how Tamil integrates into the greater dharmic stream rather than standing apart from it.

Similarly, Kannada and Telugu, while developing rich independent literatures, are linguistically and syntactically nourished by Indic sentence structures and semantic frameworks rooted in Sanskrit. Their grammar, rhythm, and poetic aesthetics echo the same civilizational cadence that sustains all Bharatiya languages.

Thus, to imagine these languages — or the communities that speak them — as culturally separate is to misunderstand the very nature of Bharat’s unity. Each tongue is a unique articulation of a shared consciousness, not a separate identity. The many languages of Bharat are not isolated voices but notes in one vast symphony, each resonating with the same spiritual pitch.

 


Colonial Roots of the Myth

The modern concept of “separate identity” was not an indigenous creation. It was a product of colonial manipulation — a method of governance designed to fracture civilizational unity. The British census, the policy of communal electorates, and the relentless classification of people by religion, caste, and tribe created a mindset of exclusive identities where none had existed before.

This artificial compartmentalization replaced the dharmic idea of shared belonging (sahabhāva) with the colonial politics of competition.
Communities were taught to think of themselves as minorities or majorities — categories alien to Indic thought. Thus, a civilization that had sustained infinite diversity for millennia was reduced to a battlefield of identities.


The Indic Vision: Unity Through Dharma

In the dharmic worldview, unity does not mean uniformity, nor does diversity imply division. Dharma recognizes bheda (difference) but harmonizes it through samanvaya (integration).
The Vedic seers declared — “Ekam sat viprā bahudhā vadanti” — “Truth is one; the wise speak of it in many ways.”
This is the civilizational ethos of Bharat: many expressions, one essence.

The notion of “separate identity” is, therefore, a myth born of ignorance and insecurity. It is a shadow cast by the loss of dharmic perspective. When the sense of oneness (ekatva-bhāva) is replaced by the obsession with difference, the nation weakens from within — exactly as Guruji warned.


The True Lesson

The partition of India, the birth of Bangladesh, and the later Sikh separatist movements are all manifestations of the same delusion — that community equals nationality, and that religious identity overrides civilizational belonging.
But the soul of Bharat has always been larger than these transient divisions. It is a living civilization, not a mechanical state.

To preserve that civilization, Bharat must reject the myth of separateness and reaffirm the truth of organic unity.
We must remember that a nation survives not by its borders, but by its binding consciousness — the sense that every language, every custom, every temple, every festival, and every faith in this land is a unique expression of the same eternal rhythm.


Conclusion

Guruji’s warning remains timeless: the gravest threats arise not from foreign invaders but from internal disunity.
When a society forgets its shared origin and begins to imagine itself as a cluster of isolated communities, it becomes its own undoing.

The antidote lies in returning to the dharmic vision — a vision that sees the many as one, and the one expressed in the many.
The myth of separate identity must yield to the truth of civilizational unity.
Only then can Bharat remain what it has always been — not a mere nation-state, but a sacred continuum of consciousness.

ಕೃಷ್ಣಪ್ರಕಾಶ ಬೊಳುಂಬು

The Myth of Intellectual Supremacy

The Myth of Intellectual Supremacy


 

The idea of intellectual supremacy is itself a myth — a self-perpetuating construct that assumes the existence of a hierarchy among minds. This work challenges that presumption, arguing that intellect is not a measure of worth but a mode of perception, conditioned by context, culture, and experience.

What follows is not the proclamation of an “intellectual authority,” but rather a series of erratica — reflections and deviations born of inquiry rather than certainty. These thoughts emerge from a mind consciously devoid of claims to supremacy, seeking instead the humility of thought that precedes genuine understanding.

ಕೃಷ್ಣಪ್ರಕಾಶ ಬೊಳುಂಬು

Saturday, October 18, 2025

Appeasement and the Mirage of Harmony: Lessons from History

 

Appeasement and the Mirage of Harmony: Lessons from History

Across Indian history, well-intentioned efforts to create harmony through compromise have often backfired. The assumption that peace can be purchased by conceding cultural clarity has repeatedly proved false.

In the early twentieth century, Mohandas Gandhi supported the Khilafat agitation hoping that Hindu–Muslim unity under a moral cause would strengthen the national struggle. The result, however, was tragic. The movement soon acquired a sectarian edge, culminating in the Moplah rebellion of 1921, where thousands of Hindus suffered violence and displacement. Gandhi’s ideal of non-violence and fraternity could not restrain the forces his alliance had awakened. Appeasement, meant to build unity, instead widened mistrust and weakened civilizational confidence.

This historical episode offers a recurring lesson. Whenever leaders blur the boundaries of cultural identity in pursuit of instant peace, they risk encouraging the very intolerance they hope to prevent. Societies built on ancient dharmic ethics have survived not by retreating from conviction but by practicing strength with restraint—dayā (compassion) joined to dhṛti (steadfastness).



The Modern Mirror

In recent decades, a new form of “soft reconciliation” has appeared in public life. Its advocates speak of balance, empathy, and inclusivity—yet they avoid clear moral positions on issues that touch the roots of dharma or civilizational continuity. The approach sounds spiritual but functions as political evasion. It uses the vocabulary of peace while quietly surrendering cultural self-respect.

This duplicity—of appearing devout while refusing to defend the deeper values of the tradition—creates confusion rather than cohesion. It repeats the same error as earlier appeasement: substituting sentiment for substance. True coexistence demands honesty, not hesitation; mutual respect, not selective silence.

Modern India, still wrestling with religious and ideological divisions, would do well to remember that moral clarity, not moral timidity, preserves harmony. The past century shows that compromise without conviction never produces unity—it merely delays conflict.

ಕೃಷ್ಣಪ್ರಕಾಶ ಬೊಳುಂಬು


Sunday, October 12, 2025

Dependant existence is the essence of mithyātva

 Dvaita rejects the mithyātva of the pot and affirms its objective reality. Advaita, however, does not call the pot mithyā in an illusory sense but regards its existence as non-independent — the pot has no reality apart from its constituents. In other words, Advaita denies that there can be a pot distinct from its material cause; its reality is conditional and borrowed from the underlying substratum (clay/Brahman).


Such a dependent existence itself also makes the 'effect' mithyā.  In the rope-snake analogy, the snake imagined there has no 'isness' apart from the rope there.  In other words the person in delusion should have said 'there is a rope', but due to some defects, he says 'there is a snake.'  He is actually unknowingly transferring the rope's 'isness' to the snake.


Śaṅkara, commenting on Chāndogya Upaniṣad 6.2.3, emphasizes that all effects are nothing but their cause appearing under name and form.

“sadeva tu sarvam abhidhānam abhidhīyate ca yad anyabuddhyā, yathā rajjur eva sarpabuddhyā sarpa ity abhidhīyate, yathā vā piṇḍa-ghaṭādi mṛdo’nyabuddhyā piṇḍa-ghaṭādi-śabdenābhidhīyate loke.”


— “All this is really Existence alone, yet it is spoken of differently by a deluded cognition — just as the rope is called ‘snake’ or clay is called ‘lump’ or ‘pot’ by the ignorant.”


The effect (kārya), like the pot (ghaṭa), has no independent being apart from the cause. Śaṅkara says:

Thus, the pot’s being is borrowed from the clay (paratantra-sattā), not intrinsic.


The rajjū–sarpa example illustrates the mechanism of superimposition (adhyāsa). Śaṅkara explains:

“rajjur eva sarpabuddhyā sarpa ity abhidhīyate... mṛd-viveka-darśināṃ tu ghaṭādi-śabda-buddhi nivartate.”

“Just as the rope alone is perceived as ‘snake’ due to delusion, so the clay is called ‘lump’ or ‘pot’; when the discrimination of clay arises, the pot notion ceases.”


Here, the observer transfers the rope’s ‘is-ness’ to the snake, and analogously the clay’s sattā to the pot. This dependent existence is the essence of mithyātva.


ಕೃಷ್ಣಪ್ರಕಾಶ ಬೊಳುಂಬು

Newfound Alchemy in Buddhist premises

Newfound Alchemy in Buddhist premises

When Vijay Mallya offered gold to Buddhist Ayyappa, he probably didn’t expect a practical demonstration of Markist dialectical materialism. Yet in a state where gods and governments lean to the left, even the metals have joined the revolution. Somewhere between the Sopanam and the Secretariat, gold renounced its bourgeois privilege and embraced the proletarian humility of copper.

Under the serene gaze of Comrade Vijayan, this was hailed not as corruption but as conversion - a spiritual redistribution of natural elements. Gold, symbol of capitalist greed, had to evolve; copper, the honest worker’s metal, had to rise. Thus, Buddhist Ayyappa watched silently as Marx met metallurgy and the temple treasury achieved true equality.

Devotees may still murmur “Swamiye Sharanam,” but the new doctrine declares, “Matter is revolutionary.” The alchemists failed for centuries, yet Markism succeeded in one audit cycle. In the People’s Temple, where even gods must align with dialectics, faith has found its final form: copper-coated enlightenment.

After all, in the Mighty Markist laboratory, nothing is impossible - not even gold finding its nirvana as copper.

#satire

ಕೃಷ್ಣಪ್ರಕಾಶ ಬೊಳುಂಬು

Monday, October 6, 2025

The Grand Finale: Karnataka's Reality of Reality Shows

The Grand Finale: Karnataka's Reality of Reality Shows

And now, ladies and gentlemen, after weeks of drama, data and a "dabba" app, we arrive at the Grand Finale of Who Wants to Be Classified? — the only show where everyone is a contestant, nobody volunteered, and the prize is madakke kelsa illa, kudiyoke ganji illa.

In a thrilling twist, the State Government has declared itself the winner — for successfully conducting a survey that no one asked for, on an app that no one could open, using data that no one will ever verify. The audience, otherwise known as mooka prekshakaru, is cheering in disbelief, muttering “idu yava nataka guru?”

Enumerators return from the field like war veterans, armed with stories of broken GPS, missing OTPs and divine beings that refused to reveal their jati. Teachers, who once shaped the future of young kids, now master the sacred art of tracing gotra in MS Excel. Bureaucrats celebrate “digital efficiency” while WhatsApp screenshot serves as official proof of governance.

And as the closing credits roll, our mahaguru intones:

“e vishaada ganadalli ondondu note count agutte. yaru miss madangilla. elru jati mata gotra helibidi. hattu moote akki kodthini, beko beda?”

The anchor chimes in with, “thank you mahagurugale!”

And the curtain falls on this ₹420-crore JMGK (Jati Mata Gotra Karnataka) of bureaucracy. The data drifts away into the crashed server, perhaps never to return. The poor, the backward, and the forward remain exactly where they were — only now, officially tagged, scanned, and confused.

Season One ends, but fear not — Who Wants to Be Classified? has already been renewed for another season. Coming soon: The Reservation Remix – Reloaded with Error Codes.
Stay tuned, pirends!

ಕೃಷ್ಣಪ್ರಕಾಶ ಬೊಳುಂಬು

Sunday, October 5, 2025

ಜಾತಿಗಣತಿಯ ಆ 60 ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳು

ಜಾತಿಗಣತಿಯ ಆ 60 ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳು 

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಸರಕಾರದ ಮಹತ್ವಾಕಾಂಕ್ಷೆಯ ಯೋಜನೆಯಾದ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ-ಶೈಕ್ಷಣಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಜಾತಿ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆ ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ (ಸೆಪ್ಟೆಂಬರ್ 22 ರಿಂದ ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ 7, 2025) ಜಾರಿಯಲ್ಲಿದೆ. ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ನ್ಯಾಯವನ್ನೊದಗಿಸುವ ಅದ್ಭುತ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆಯೆಂದು ಕರೆಯಿಸಿಕೊಂಡ ಜಾತಿ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆ ಆಡಳಿತಾತ್ಮಕ ಪ್ರಹಸನ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜಕೀಯ ವಿಡಂಬನೆಯ ವಸ್ತುವಾಗಿ ಒಡ್ಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಲಿದೆ.


ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆ ಮುಂದುವರಿಯುತ್ತಿರುವಂತೆಯೇ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಒಡಮೂಡಿರುವ ಬಿರುಕುಗಳು  ಎದ್ದುತೋರಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಲಿವೆ. ತಾಂತ್ರಿಕ ದೋಷಗಳು, ಶಿಸ್ತು ಕ್ರಮದ ಬೆದರಿಕೆಗಳು, ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ನಡುವಣ ಕಲಹ ಮತ್ತು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಂಗದ ಎಚ್ಚರಿಕೆಗಳು - ಇವೆಲ್ಲವೂ ಈ ಪರಿಪಾಟದ ಸಿಂಧುತ್ವವನ್ನು ಪ್ರಶ್ನಿಸುತ್ತಲಿವೆ. 

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರಕಾರವು ಸಮಾಜ ಕಲ್ಯಾಣ ಅಥವಾ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ-ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ಮಾಹಿತಿಯನ್ನು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಬಹುದಾದರೂ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸರಕಾರದ ಅನುಮತಿಯಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಜಾತಿ ಜನಗಣತಿಯನ್ನು ನಡೆಸುವುದು ಸಂವಿಧಾನಕ್ಕೆ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಕಾನೂನುಬದ್ಧವಾಗಿ ಪ್ರಶ್ನಿಸಲು ಅನುವು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಡುತ್ತದೆ.

ಆ ಅರುವತ್ತು ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳು ಯಾವುವು ಎಂದು ಕೇಳಿದರೆ ಉತ್ತರ ಇಲ್ಲಿದೆ.

ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಗೆ ಬೇಕಾಗಿರುವ ದಾಖಲೆಗಳು

  • ರೇಷನ್ ಕಾರ್ಡ್
  • ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸದಸ್ಯರ ಆಧಾರ್ ಕಾರ್ಡ್.
  • ಆಧಾರ್ ಕಾರ್ಡಿಗೆ ಲಿಂಕ್ ಆಗಿರುವ ಮೊಬೈಲ್ ನಂಬರ್
  • ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಐಡಿ ಕಾರ್ಡ್
ಅದರ ಮಾದರಿಯೊಂದನ್ನು ಇಲ್ಲಿ ನೋಡಬಹುದು.

ಸದ್ದು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಲಿರುವ ಸುದ್ದಿಗಳು

  • ಕೊಡಗಿನಲ್ಲಿ ರೊಚ್ಚಿಗೇಳುತ್ತಿರುವ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರು: ಕೊಡಗು ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಪ್ರೌಢಶಾಲಾ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರು ಗಣತಿದಾರರಾಗಿ ಸೇವೆ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಲು ಒತ್ತಾಯಪೂರ್ವಕವಾಗಿ ನೇಮಿಸಲ್ಪಟ್ಟಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ದುರ್ಬಲ ಮೊಬೈಲ್ ನೆಟ್‌ವರ್ಕ್, ಡೇಟಾವನ್ನು ಅಪ್‌ಲೋಡ್ ಮಾಡುವ ಅಸೌಲಭ್ಯ, ತಪ್ಪಾದ ಜಿಪಿಎಸ್ ನಮೂದುಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಅರಣ್ಯ ಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿನ ಸುರಕ್ಷತಾ ಅಪಾಯಗಳ ಬಗೆಗೆ ಅವರರು ಅಧಿಕೃತವಾಗಿ ದೂರು ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
  • ಕೆಲಸ ಮಾಡಲು ನಿರಾಕರಿಸಿದ ಗಣತಿದಾರರ ಮೇಲೆ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರಕಾರದ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ: ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ "ಕರ್ತವ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಲಕ್ಷಿಸುವ" ಸರಕಾರಿ ಸಿಬ್ಬಂದಿ ಅಥವಾ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರ ಮೇಲೆ ಶಿಸ್ತು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲಾಗುವುದು ಎಂದು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಚಿವ ಸಂಪುಟ ಎಚ್ಚರಿಸಿದೆ.
  • ಎರಡು ದಿನದಲ್ಲಿ 71 ಸಾವಿರ ಮಂದಿಯನ್ನೊಳಗೊಂಡ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆ: ಆ್ಯಪ್‌ನಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದುವರಿದ ದೋಷ, ಅಡಚಣೆ, ಗೊಂದಲ: ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಾದ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯ 2 ನೇ ದಿನದಲ್ಲಿ 18,487 ಮನೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ 71,004 ಜನರಿಂದ ಡೇಟಾವನ್ನು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ - ಆದರೆ ತಾಂತ್ರಿಕ ದೋಷ, ಸರ್ವರ್‌ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಗಳು, ಒಟಿಪಿ ವೈಫಲ್ಯಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಅಜಾಗರೂಕ ಅಪ್‌ಲೋಡ್‌ಗಳಿಂದಾಗಿ ಅನೇಕ ಫಾರ್ಮ್‌ಗಳು ಅಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಉಳಿದಿವೆ.
  • ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯವು ಎಚ್ಚರಿಕೆಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯನ್ನು ಮುಂದುವರಿಸಲು ಅನುಮತಿಸಿತು: ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಹೈಕೋರ್ಟ್ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯನ್ನು ತಡೆಯಲು ನಿರಾಕರಿಸಿತು ಆದರೆ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸುವುದು ಕಡ್ಡಾಯವಲ್ಲ ಮತ್ತು ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಿದ ವೈಯಕ್ತಿಕ ಡೇಟಾವನ್ನು ಬಹಿರಂಗಪಡಿಸಬಾರದು ಎಂದು ಆದೇಶಿಸಿತು.
  • ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯನವರಿಂದ ಗಡುವು ನಿಗದಿ: ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಸಿದ್ದರಾಮಯ್ಯ ಅವರು ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ 7 ರ ಮುನ್ನ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯನ್ನು ಪೂರ್ಣಗೊಳಿಸಬೇಕು ಎಂದು ಸೂಚನೆ ನೀಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯದ 1.43 ಕೋಟಿ ಮನೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ದಿನಕ್ಕೆ ಗಣತಿದಾರರು 10% ರಷ್ಟು ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯನ್ನು ಒಳಗೊಳ್ಳುವಂತೆ ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
  • ಜಾತಿ ಗಣತಿ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಸ್ವಯಂ ಇಚ್ಛೆಗೆ ಬಿಟ್ಟ ಸಂಗತಿ: ರಾಜ್ಯ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳ ಆಯೋಗವು ಸೆ.22ರಿಂದ ಆರಂಭಿಸಿರುವ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಶೈಕ್ಷಣಿಕ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಎಲ್ಲ ಜನರನ್ನೂ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಗೆ ಒಳಪಡಿಸಲು ಉದ್ದೇಶಿಸಲಾಗಿದ್ದರೂ ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಾಲ್ಗೊಳ್ಳುವುದು ಜನರ/ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳ ಸ್ವಯಂ ಇಚ್ಛೆಗೆ ಬಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದು ಎಂಬುದಾಗಿ ಆಯೋಗದ ಸದಸ್ಯ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ ಕೆ.ಎ.ದಯಾನಂದ್‌ ಅವರು ಪ್ರಕಟಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
  • ಅಪರ್ಯಾಪ್ತ ವೇತನ ನಿಗದಿ: ರಾಜ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆಯುತ್ತಿರುವ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಶೈಕ್ಷಣಿಕ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಾಲ್ಗೊಂಡಿರುವ 1.20 ಲಕ್ಷ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷಕರಿಗೆ ಮೊದಲ ಕಂತಿನ ಗೌರವಧನವಾಗಿ ತಲಾ 5000 ರೂ. ಬಿಡುಗಡೆ ಮಾಡಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಒಟ್ಟು 60.36 ಕೋಟಿ ರೂ.ಗಳನ್ನು ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳ ಖಾತೆಗೆ ವರ್ಗಾಯಿಸಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಆದೇಶಿಸಿದೆ
  • ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮರಿಂದ ಅಪಸ್ವರ: ಜಾತಿ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆ - ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮರಲ್ಲಿ ಗೊಂದಲ. ವಿಜಯ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಮಂಗಳೂರು ಆವೃತ್ತಿ ೧೧.೦೯.೨೦೨೫ (ವರದಿ: ಮುಹಮ್ಮದ್ ಆರಿಫ್ ಮಂಗಳೂರು) 
  • ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕತಾವಾದಿಗಳಿಗೊಂದು ಸುವರ್ಣಾವಕಾಶ: ಸಂದರ್ಭಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಕಾದಿದ್ದ ಜಾಗತಿಕ ಲಿಂಗಾಯತ ಮಹಾಸಭೆಯ ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕತಾವಾದಿಗಳು "ಹಿಂದೂ ಧರ್ಮ" ಎಂದು ನಮೂದಿಸದೆ "ಲಿಂಗಾಯತ ಧರ್ಮ" ಎಂದು ನಮೂದಿಸುವಂತೆ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕವಾಗಿ ಕೇಳಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
  • ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ಆದೇಶ ಎತ್ತಿಹಿಡಿದ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣ ಮಹಾಸಭಾ: ಈ ಸಮೀಕ್ಷೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸುವುದು ಕಡ್ಡಾಯವಲ್ಲ ಮತ್ತು ಒಪ್ಪಿಗೆ ಸ್ವಯಂಪ್ರೇರಿತವಾಗಿರಬೇಕು ಎಂದು ಸಾರುವ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ಆದೇಶವನ್ನು ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣ ಮಹಾಸಭಾ ಎತ್ತಿಹಿಡಿದಿದೆ.  
  • ತನ್ನ ಮಹತ್ವಾಕಾಂಕ್ಷೆ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಮರ್ಥ್ಯದ ನಡುವಣ ವ್ಯತ್ಯಾಸ ತಿಳಿಯದ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರಕಾರ: ₹420 ಕೋಟಿ ಬಜೆಟ್‌ ಹೊಂದಿದ ಈ ಪರಿಪಾಟವು ಪರಸ್ಪರ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾದ ಊಹೆಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ನೆಲೆಗೊಂಡಿದೆ. ಸಾವಿರಾರು ಜಾತಿಗಳನ್ನು ಅಚ್ಚುಕಟ್ಟಾಗಿ ವರ್ಗೀಕರಿಸಬಹುದು, ಅವುಗಳ ಗಣನೆ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ರಾಜಕೀಯೇತರವಾಗಿದೆ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರಕಾರದ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಅವುಗಳನ್ನು ಪರಿಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಕಾರ್ಯಗತಗೊಳಿಸಲು ಸಮರ್ಥವಾಗಿದೆ ಎನ್ನುವಂತಹವು ಆ ಊಹೆಗಳು. ಅದೃಷ್ಟವೋ ದುರದೃಷ್ಟವೋ ಎನ್ನುವಂತೆ ಈ ಊಹೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾವುದೂ ನಿಜವಲ್ಲ.






ಕಗ್ಗಮಾಲಿಕೆ – ೫ ಸಂಕ್ರಮಣದ ಪ್ರೇತಾವಸ್ಥೆ

 ಕಗ್ಗಮಾಲಿಕೆ – ೫ ಸಂಕ್ರಮಣದ ಪ್ರೇತಾವಸ್ಥೆ ಪೀಠಿಕೆ: ಜಗತ್ತು ಸ್ಥಿರವಾದುದಲ್ಲ, ಅದು ನಿರಂತರ ಬದಲಾವಣೆಗೆ ಒಳಪಟ್ಟಿದೆ. ಆದರೆ ಈ ಬದಲಾವಣೆಯ ಹಂತದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಳೆಯ ಮೌಲ್ಯಗಳ...